Unlike the United States, Israel clearly discerns identity of its enemies

In declaring Tuesday that he would “finish the job” in Afghanistan, President Obama used a phrase clearly meant to imply that even as he deploys an additional 30,000 or so troops, he has finally figured out how to bring the eight-year-long conflict to an end. . . .And as Mr. Obama’s own aides concede, the messages directed at some may undercut the messages sent to others. . . . He must convince Democrats, especially the antiwar base that helped elect him . . . that in sending more troops he is not escalating the war L.B.J.-style. . . . But at the same moment, he must persuade Republicans that he is giving the military what it needs to beat back the Taliban and keep Al Qaeda from threatening the United States. . . . One of his national security strategists put Mr. Obama’s challenge this way: The trick, he said, will be “signaling resolve to the allies while not signaling open-ended commitment to the American people.” . . . Mr. Obama must signal resolve — and staying power — because the Dutch and the Canadians are both scheduled to be pulling their troops . . So far, the administration has been successful only with the British, who have pledged an additional 500 troops. Germany, Italy and other NATO contributors have been silent. . . the United States is stuck between not wanting to suggest it will be a military presence in the region forever and showing enough commitment to encourage Pakistan to change its behavior. . . . Mr. Obama has a similar signaling problem with President Hamid Karzai of Afghanistan. . . . But Mr. Obama is not likely to say what will happen if Mr. Karzai fails to deliver, for fear of further alienating the mercurial Afghan president.

Whatever President Obama says in his public speeches, commentators will trash him within minutes. What the New York Times does not say, and what the commentators will probably not say, is that the United States is stuck with its power. The problem is not Barack Obama. It is not even George W. Bush, although he may be faulted for invading Iraq without sufficient reason and making things worse for the United States, the region, and Iraqis.

 

There seems no doubt that Afghanistan was the nest that spawned 9-11. A wise response might have been to give the country a mighty blow, and rely on deterrence to prevent retaliation. But who knows how to deal with Islamic fanaticism?

The major problem for the United States is being the lone super power,  entangled in a world it cannot fix. It does not have the power, skill, or intelligence (information not IQ) to make Afghanistan into a responsible country.

Domestically the United States is affected by a society with numerous loyalties and beliefs. National unity has never been its trait, and should not be expected. The military draft worked in the context of World War II, but not Vietnam. So far things are holding together with volunteers sent to distant and unpopular wars, but one should not assume continued support from Congress, the media, or the people. As the case of Major Hasan indicates, the United States is so affected by multi-culturalism that it has trouble identifying its threats.

The half of my life spent in Israel has impressed me with the advantages of a small country, with a high degree of homogeneity, whose enemies are close and clearly identified.

During times of trouble, reserve units have reported that more than 100% of the men called show up. Older soldiers who were not called did not want to miss the opportunity. High schoolers from good families have paid for private pre-army training to increase their chances of being selected for commando units.

There is also a capacity to compartmentalize dispute and duty. My function in the IDF was to lecture about public policy, and to provide the troops opportunities to ventilate their feelings. More than once I refereed arguments amongs fighters in Lebanon and Gaza, only minutes from having been on duty or before going back on duty. I once met a university colleague, outspoken as an left wing critic of the government, on his way home for the weekend from serving as a tank commander. He boasted about his activities in battle. He was on his way to change clothes and take part in an anti-war demonstration. Two days later he went back to his tank.

Israel is not like the United States, or the other western countries that Obama wants to keep in Afghanistan. Not only are they far from the conflict. They have not decided how to keep themselves from being changed by Muslim immigrants.

Israelis worry about the shrill animosity directed at them from those places. We also worry about decent Americans and Europeans being asked to fight enemies so far away, who they cannot understand, and who have cousins so close to their own homes.

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Sharkansky is professor emeritus of political science at Hebrew University