By Rabbi Dow Marmur
JERUSALEM — My reflections on the comments by Bradley Burston about the dangers of the political right in Israel (which has turned Prime Minister Netanyahu into a sort-of moderate unable to tame the hotheads) prompted a correspondent to ask how I myself see the situation. The fact that I wrote the way I did suggests that I fear for the present political direction of the country and the Diaspora. I believe that the turn to the political right and the greatly diminished role of the sensible middle warrants pessimism. But that’s not the whole story and it’s going to take me two pages to try to explain.
I start with the obvious. Life for most of Israelis is similar to life in other developed countries. Everything you’ve in the US or Europe you also find here – the good and, alas, also the bad. The per capita annual income is comparable to many Western countries. Most Israelis thrive even in these difficult economic times while others are poor, even homeless and hard done by – the price of capitalism.
Israel has friends all over the world, overt and covert. Leaders of allied countries visit here often. Many show genuine commitment to the continued existence and welfare of the Jewish state, even when they’re critical of the way its government deals with the Palestinians. Though Obama is no Bush when it comes to Israel, friendship and concern for Israel’s welfare and security has broad support in the United States.
Some Muslim states have made peace, some are rumored to have discrete dealings with Israel, and others remain hostile. The Scandinavians have turned against Israel but, in the overall scheme of things, they’re more of a nuisance than a threat.
Culturally, Israel is sophisticated. Many books – good, bad and indifferent – are translated into Hebrew. International conferences on a variety of subjects are held here. You can see the latest films from all over the world in your local cinema. My Cable TV provider doesn’t carry Fox, but does carry Aljazeera in English and Arabic.
Several Israeli writers are well known abroad; if Swedish politics allows it, one of them could even get the Nobel Prize in literature. Other Israelis have been Nobel laureates in several fields. Israeli movies are recognized and valued abroad, as are its important contributions to technology, science and medicine.
New Israeli architecture is very impressive. The skyline in Tel Aviv resembles other modern cities and reflects daily life there. Its places of entertainment – high culture no less than popular versions – are as sophisticated as almost anywhere in the world. Not every city is Tel Aviv and not all Israelis can afford to take advantage of what’s on offer, but that too isn’t very different from what happens in other countries.
Tourists flock to Israel not only because it’s the Holy Land and has much by way of archeology and history to excite the visitor, but also because there’re many opportunities to have a good time on the beaches, in restaurants and nightclubs, etc. etc.
Much of Israeli wealth and culture has been created by the determination and ingenuity of women and men who have come here, often as refugees, with a lot of talent and flair. It’s a very exciting place and I feel privileged to spend time here.
Even when it comes to personal security, things are no worse than in most countries in the world. We often see women alone walk home late at night, obviously without fear. Though there’s vigilance in many places, the individual doesn’t feel it very much. What the media report about Israel often grossly distorts what locals and visitors actually experience. Life is good here for most people, indeed very good for many.
No, Israel today is in no way whatsoever a ghetto. But some politicians threaten to turn it into one. The doctrinaire nature of right-wing politics has used the legitimate concerns for the country’s security – “this is a marvelous country in a lousy neighborhood” – to promulgate ideas and engage in actions that somehow imply that the whole world is against the Jews in general and Israel in particular, and that the only way to respond is to close ranks, fight back and suspect all peace initiatives.
That’s not only paranoia, for there’re still many who’re out to get Israel. Peace has been elusive so far, and it’s not only, perhaps not even primarily, Israel’s fault. But some political coalition parties to the right of Netanyahu’s traditionally right-wing Likud have greatly exacerbated the situation. Because of the proportional representation by which parliament (the Knesset) is elected, the country is difficult to govern.
Jewish leaders abroad who may be more in the grip of the ghetto mentality, even when aware of the good news listed above, tend to be blind to the implications and thus concur with the scare mongers. It seems to fit their own, often imagined sense of isolation in the Diaspora. But most of us, mercifully, totally reject this mentality. Some, alas, react by distancing themselves from organized Jewish life. It’s a great loss to the community and to Israel. Branding them as “self-hating Jews” is cheap and counterproductive.
The current demonization of the New Israel Fund is a case in point. The assumption that any Jew who shares the opinion of serious analysts of Israeli politics that the government should establish an independent commission to examine what happened in Gaza a year ago and to offer a responsible response to the – by all accounts greatly flawed – Goldstone Report is another example of the right-wing doctrine of defiance that seems to threaten the very nature of Israel. This wouldn’t be the first instance in Jewish history when excessive zeal produces the opposite to what has been intended.
A more centrist government in Israel (e.g., by Kadima joining it), could develop policies and initiate actions that would celebrate the miracle of Israel and provide security without exaggerating the threat of isolation in the guise of Jewish pride and self-defense. Such an attitude would make the prospect of peace with the Palestinians more real, even at a time when the latter are burdened by internal conflicts of their own making.
Unfortunately such an Israeli government is at present not on the horizon. Perhaps things have to get worse before they get better. Perhaps the possibility of a new political party by the time the next elections come round would change things. But the elections are several years away and new parties come and go; few of them stay long enough to radically alter things. Euphoria and pessimism often commingle here.
I believe that most who read this know it. The aim of this long piece is to share with you my own mixed, confused feelings: boundless enthusiasm for Israel and what’s happening here and serious fears about what it may become if the reactionary forces of darkness, operating in the guise of caring for the country, may do to it.
Israel is facing serious dangers that aren’t of its own making. The Iranian threat is real; Hamas and Hezbollah are an ongoing menace. Anti-Semitism hasn’t vanished from the world. The worry is whether those entrusted with the leadership of the country are sufficiently concerned about long-term objectives, or if they only aim to get as much of the power pie as they can grab. My fear is that those who say they want to defend us against enemies may be doing the enemies’ dirty work – and put us back in the ghetto.
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Rabbi Marmur is spiritual leader emeritus of Holy Blossom Temple in Toronto. He now divides his time between Canada and Israel.