By Ira Sharkansky
JERUSALEM — The title of this column is another way of expressing the view that there is no solution anywhere on the horizon for the Israel-Palestinian conflict.
We’ve recently been through the media routine that is standard after a significant incident of terror. In this case, four individuals were killed at an up-scale locale in the heart of Tel Aviv. One was a professional colleague, whom I did not know personally, but who had contributed to the literature on the Israeli society.
The routine is intense coverage of the incident while happening and soon after, then later filling in the details, interviews with people who were there, updates on those in hospital, interviews with friends and family members of those killed or injured, comments of ranking politicians, coverage of the celebrations and comments from Arab sources, and assessments as to this incident’s contribution to the ongoing conflict and what must be done.
Statements about what must be done, this time as in the past, range from increased intelligence about what Palestinians are planning, punishment of perpetrators, family members, and those supporting their actions, greater concessions to Palestinians in order to reduce incentives to violence, and better Israeli offers that will convince Palestinians to make peace. There is also the view that nothing will curtail occasional acts of violence.
There appears to be an infinite distance between us and the willingness of Palestinian leaders to accept anything other than their whole, vaguely defined package, which goes beyond what Israel has offered, and beyond what any likely Israeli government would accept..
Assuming that a miracle occurs and an agreement is signed, with world worthies in attendance and wide applause, chances are that individual Palestinians would remain opposed to whatever their leadership agreed, and would continue to create more chaos for their view of what should be.
The present wave of violence, now reduced to occasional efforts and even more infrequent Israeli casualties, has mostly been the work of individuals, rather than anything planned by one or another Palestinian organization.
We all face dangers. Luck is an important factor in achieving a long life.
No matter what happens politically, Israels’ menu of dangers will include nearby Muslims who seek revenge for whatever might have happened to family members, or their own sense of injustice. A Palestinian friend tells me of his own risks, which include Palestinian neighbors shooting at one another due to family feuds, which make my friend wary of venturing outside after dark.
Americans who write to me claim to be living in the ideal society, but they’d be foolish to wander outside of their protected suburban or neighborhood bubble and into neighborhoods likely to be dangerous. And they risk a road accident at a higher incidence than Israelis or most Europeans when they drive or cross a street.
Americans have a lot of fixing to do at home. The emails I receive from Black Lives Matter and other protest sites read pretty much like what I see on al jazeera.
What can Israel do, or should do, in order to fix our relations with Palestinians, Israeli Arabs, and the worthies of the world who demand better from us they from their own governments? We are, after all, the Chosen People living in the Promised Land, along with all the moral burdens imposed on us as a result.
Peace would be wonderful. But it is elusive, and it might not be greatly different from what we–and the Palestinians–have now.
This is far from the conventional view, but it is both more accurate and more realistic than what we hear from Israeli politicians or all those overseas who imagine other possibilities.
The realities and possibilities begin and end with the realization that Palestinian politics is so disorganized and corrupt that nothing imaginable will bring their people a better life than they have now.
Key to this assessment are the numerous factions in Islam and Palestinian politics that are at odds, and more inclined to violence than accommodation with one another.
Also important is the distance from anything approaching democracy or good government in Palestine or in any other society with a majority of Muslims. Mahmoud Abbas’ tenure of 11 years and counting in a presidency with a term of four years is just one indication about the quality of Palestinian government. Another is the Hamas takeover in Gaza that involved throwing opponents from the top of a tall building.
There is a mess of claims about the quality of life of Palestinians. Conditions vary greatly between the West Bank and Gaza, for Palestinians of Jerusalem, and the Arab citizens of Israel. None of the claims reach the levels of reliability to enable convincing comparison with other societies. Also problematic are the details about living standards in other Muslim countries.
As good as anything is the general assertion that Palestinians of the West Bank have acquired a tolerable standard of living and politics when compared with other Third World countries; Arab residents of Jerusalem live better than Palestinians of the West Bank, due to Israeli health insurance and access to work throughout Israel. Arab citizens of Israel do even better, although they suffer shortfalls in many respects when compared to the country’s Jews.
In all of the above categories there are differences associated with locale, family traits, education, and religion. Arab Christians are generally better off than Muslims. Desert Bedouin have it worse than urban Bedouin and other Arabs.
The residents of Gaza are at the bottom of all categories of Palestinians, except perhaps for some of those currently suffering even more difficult conditions in Syria and Lebanon.
Among the problems in judging the status of Gazans are their aggression toward both Israel and Egypt, and the responses that Israeli and Egyptian authorities feel essential to their defense.
Our glass is pretty full. The Palestinians’? About half. Israel Arabs, a bit more than half full, and not all that different from ethnic and racial minorities in the US and Western Europe. The plight of individuals in all categories varies greatly.
A two state solution, if achievable, isn’t likely to change things.
Meanwhile, it’s Shavuot. Go easy on the cheese cake. Remember your cholesterol.
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Sharkansky is professor emeritus of political science at Hebrew University. He may be contacted via ira.sharkansky@sdjewishworld.com. Comments intended for publication in the space below MUST be accompanied by the letter writer’s first and last name and by his/ her city and state of residence (city and country for those outside the United States.)