JERUSALEM — Bibi made an application for immunity, and is now doing all that he can so the Knesset will postpone consideration of it.
Until after the election?
Which one? The third in the last year, or the fourth, the fifth, or whatever.
A majority of the Knesset has indicated its opposition to Bibi’s immunity from prosecution. So if he doesn’t postpone consideration of it, he’s lost.
Reports are that he has pressured the ultra-Orthodox to threaten Yuli-Yoel Edelstein, the Speaker of the Knesset, to keep postponing consideration of the immunity, under threat of not supporting his candidacy for the Presidency when that comes up.
Elder son, Yair, has spoiled his copy book, yet again, with a personal attack against Edelstein and his family.
No doubt that Bibi has had a fine career, with numerous accomplishments. But he’s ending it badly. Worse than Richard Nixon or Ehud Olmert. Fighting with all he can to postpone the inevitable.
Currently Edelstein has scheduled the Knesset to convene next week, and authorize the Committee to consider the immunity.
This week will be crowded with the visits of Putin, Macron, Prince Charles, prominent Americans, and others to mark an anniversary of the Holocaust. Stay away from Jerusalem until Saturday. It’ll be a mess.
Edelstein is being trashed by Likudniks, saying that he is finished in the party. On account of not postponing the consideration of Bibi’s immunity
And Bibi did what he could to pressure Naftali Bennett to accept a Kahanist within the party he has created along with Ayelet Shaked and Bezalel Smotrich.
Within a short time till the end of the candidate listing, Bennett accepted Rafi Peretz as #2 on the list of his party; along with Shaked, Smotrich, and others. Bennett resisted pressure from Bibi, Rabbi Chaim Druckman, and other Likudniks, and refused to accept Itamar Ben Gvir, a Kahanist who had a picture of Baruch Goldstein in his living room. Goldstein was an American-born MD, living in Kiryiat Arba, who entered the Cave of the Patriarchs Mosque when Arabs were at prayer in 1994, and killed several before being killed himself. Since then Goldstein’s grave has been memorialized by Israeli extremists.
After that occurred, Bennett was threatened by Bibi and other Likudniks, for breaking an agreement of mutual support between Rafi Peretz and Ben Gvir. They also urged Ben Gvir to resign as a candidate in order to strengthen the right wing parties in the coming election. If Ben Gvir continues to run as the head of a small party, he is not likely to get enough votes to enter the Knesset, and his votes would be wasted.
When Bibi urged Ben Gvir to resign as a candidate, Ben Gvir responded that Bibi was urging something that he himself had refused to do.
Bibi urged 87 year old Rabbi Chaim Druckman to enter the lists at the head of Ben Gvir’s party, but the rabbi refused.
Likud also took an Ethiopian Knesset Member from the list of Blue and White, presumably to boost its chances with that community.
Panic? Sure. And he seemed to have the support of other Likudniks and right wing ultra-Orthodox. But there are signs of weakness within all groups. They’re getting tired of Bibi, but as yet are avoiding any open rebellion.
When will they decide that it’s all over? That it’s time for the man to admit his vulnerability and to withdraw, with some elegance, from the political squabble?
Likudniks generally stay united behind their party leader, and now there appears to be a large gap between Bibi and whoever might challenge him.
He trounced Gideon Sa’ar in a recent primary, and Sa’ar was the only Knesset Member to challenge him.
Around Sa’ar are perhaps a half-dozen other politicians, worrying about their chances for getting the top slot, with none of them certain.
Bibi has never indicated a second-in-command or a successor.
Those who may contend may be sounding out supporters, but are wary of moving openly. No doubt their are worrying about a civil war, with broken prospects for getting one or another major ministry in the event of a contest.
And until that’s decided, we may be in for future elections without stop.
Likud and Blue and White are the leading parties, but without a coalition that would allow them to reach the 61 majority seats needed to form a government.
Avigdor Lieberman seems to have a lock on the number of seats that would produce a majority, and he is insisting on a Likud-Blue and White combination, but without Bibi.
There remains a possibility of this Knesset deciding against Bibi’s immunity. And without it, he might have to step down as Likud’s candidate for Prime Minister.
There is a lot that is uncertain, with the law not all that clear, and no precedent for current situation.
There’ll be Bibi-inspired appeals to the Supreme Court, meant to postpone things.
So what happens to the Knesset’s inability to deal with the financial crisis of a large and growing debt, or needs for new expenditures in a variety of service fields?
Apparently all that is less important than Bibi’s need for office.
What if Iran attacks, either directly or via Gazan, Lebanese, or Syrian allies?
Who knows? We’ll hope for the best.
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Ira Sharkansky, PhD, is professor emeritus of political science at Hebrew University. He may be contacted via ira.sharkansky@sdjewishworld.com