By Shahar Masori
SAN DIEGO — Leadership choices often reflect a nation’s values and priorities, shaping not only domestic policy but also international relations. Watching Donald Trump’s controversial cabinet picks unfold in America reminds me of Benjamin Netanyahu’s coalition of extremists in Israel. Both leaders, though governing vastly different nations, seem to have embraced a strategy of relying on polarizing figures to solidify their political power. For me, as someone with deep ties to both countries, this parallel is unsettling.
In Israel, Netanyahu’s coalition is a delicate balancing act of ideologies. Religious zealots, ultranationalists, and those with controversial views on judicial reform and minority rights now sit at the heart of his government. Their presence often dominates the national discourse, sometimes alienating moderates and straining Israel’s relationships with its closest allies, including the United States. For Netanyahu, these alliances ensure his political survival in a fractured parliamentary system, even as they deepen societal divides.
In the U.S., Trump’s cabinet picks seem to echo this approach. His appointments highlight figures known for their divisive rhetoric, staunch ideology, and a willingness to challenge established norms. Like Netanyahu, Trump is doubling down on his base, prioritizing loyalty and ideological alignment over broader, consensus-driven governance. These choices electrify their supporters but also risk alienating moderates and further polarizing their respective nations.
What strikes me most is how both leaders seem to thrive on the chaos these appointments generate. Netanyahu’s coalition has provoked mass protests over judicial reform and minority rights, with critics arguing that his policies threaten Israel’s democratic foundations. Trump’s cabinet choices have sparked fierce debate over the direction of American governance, with concerns about whether these picks will uphold the country’s democratic norms or challenge them outright.
The stakes for both nations are high. In Israel, Netanyahu’s coalition may provide the political stability needed to confront security threats, particularly from Iran. Yet, this stability comes at the cost of internal unity, as citizens grapple with policies that many feel undermine democratic ideals. In the U.S., Trump’s cabinet picks could lead to significant policy shifts, but they also risk deepening the divisions that have plagued the country in recent years.
For me, the most troubling similarity between these leadership styles is the message they send: that power can and should be maintained at all costs, even if it means alienating large segments of the population. While this strategy may energize their base, it leaves little room for the kind of inclusive governance that fosters long-term stability.
Living between these two worlds, I find myself reflecting on what this means for the future of both democracies. In Israel, the rapid pace of political maneuvering often leads to unstable coalitions and fractured governance. In the U.S., the slow, money-driven electoral process gives leaders like Trump the time to entrench themselves deeply, making it harder for moderates to find their voice. Yet, both systems reflect their countries’ values—Israel’s emphasis on coalition-building and communal representation, and America’s focus on individualism and competition.
As we witness the unfolding chapters of Trump’s and Netanyahu’s leadership, the challenge for their citizens is clear. Democracy is not just about elections; it’s about the choices made afterward, the voices heard, and the values upheld. For Americans and Israelis alike, the road ahead demands vigilance, critical engagement, and a collective commitment to ensuring their countries remain beacons of democratic hope.
As I reflect on this meshugas, I can’t help but sense the beginning of a new and uncertain era, one where power is hoarded rather than shared, and where leaders surround themselves with echo chambers of loyalty rather than voices of dissent. Both Trump and Netanyahu seem fixated on their own survival, prioritizing personal legacy over the well-being of their nations. Their leadership raises a troubling question: How far are these self-anointed kings willing to go, and how much will they leave broken in their wake? For all my concerns, I hold on to a sliver of hope—hope that we, as citizens, can rise above their divisive tactics, come together, and build a future defined by unity, not destruction. The path forward is unclear, but the responsibility to ensure democracy’s resilience rests with all of us.
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Shahar Masori was raised in Hadera, Israel, and immigrated to San Diego in 2000, where he helped build a balloon decor business and raised two sons.
In 1975 I was working with the New Zealand National Party. We won an election by a landslide, the biggest in NZ history. The leader was who we now know as Sir Robert Muldoon. A very different sort of person and leader to those we had before or since.
In 1977 I went overseas not returning to NZ until Mid 1981. I got to Israel in Jan 77 and stayed on my Kibbutz until August that year. During that time a very different person, Menachem Begin, won his first election. The first conservative to win an election in Israel. I observed the election and wrote a couple of articles that were published about the Israeli election focusing on the Tory win. Hosting Anwar Sadat in the Knesset was just one of the many spectacular things he accomplished while Prime Minister.
I arrived in London in late August 77 and one of the things I got to do over the next year or so was work for the Conservative Party led then by Margaret Thatcher. I worked and campaigned in west London and up north in Chester City. I met her a few times during that election campaign and after, before coming home in 1981. When she went to war over the Falkland Islands Rob Muldoon deployed NZ Naval Assets to the Indian Ocean to allow extra British ships to be sent to the Atlantic in time to help with the War.
Those three leaders I mention here were not the normal politicians that we were or are used to. I think I have a good understanding of Trump and Netanyahu because I had an understanding about Begin and that I worked closely and knew both Thatcher and Muldoon personally. I had no fear of Trump in the lead up to his first term. I expected him to do things in a spectacular fashion and accomplish things. He is a different sort of leader in the same fashion as Begin, Muldoon and Thatcher were. He got the Abraham Accords going and he fired 60 cruise missiles into Syria destroying the airbase from which the chemical weapons attacks were launched which targeted children. That action alone created a huge impression in New Zealand that he did it with the leader of China sitting at his dinner table at Mar-a-Lago just added to his manner.
Bibi has had to lead Israel before and after the October 7 2023 murders of Israelis by Hamas. Twenty members of my family fought against Germany In world war 2 and another 7 fought the Japanese mostly in Australian forces. We helped destroy Germany including flattening Berlin, Dresden and other places and destroying the Nazi party. Bibi has to do the job now of destroying Hamas and cleaning up Gaza and to clean out south Lebanon while destroying Hezbollah. he is the man to do the Job. Trump is going to accomplish much in his four years. This time he will take care of Iran amongst other things. Trump and Bibi have lots of friends in lots of countries. Things will get done.
Australia and New Zealand have average leaders who are getting bad advice from our ministries of foreign affairs who are top heavy with antisemitic staff who give advice based on fake history and plain old antisemitic subjects. But we will overcome that.
In the Uk we have a Prime Minister who was given his Knighthood in part to give him added strength to combat the left in the Labour Party and their antisemitic policies and beliefs. The Tory conservative party has chosen its 4th woman leader who is a black with a Pakeha (white) husband. Thats different.
In the USA the Democratic Party has to find a way forward. Sarah Jacobs and Bernie Sanders don’t have much future, those 19 democrats who recently voted to disarm Israel have to be delt with.
I have confidence that Netanyahu and Trump will protect Israel. Trump’s drill baby, drill baby, drill oil policies will help the world by bringing down oil prices, here in New Zealand as they did last time, as well as around the world.
Shahar, I have tried to show you that there are a few leaders that are different to the norm. You should have confidence in the leadership of Trump and Netanyahu in that respect.