Compiled by San Diego Jewish World staff
The Approaching Showdown on Civil Rights
Southwestern Jewish Press, September 7, 1956, Pages 17, 20
By Joseph B. Robison
Senior Counsel, American Jewish Congress
The pressing problem of racial equality has now been turned over to the uncertain helter-skelter of the presidential campaign. It remains to be seen whether the issue will be treated in terms of outworn cliches or with meaningful understanding. To reach a fair assessment of the performance of the parties and their candidates, we must bear in mind the civil rights history of the past decade.
Hopes for enactment of Federal civil rights legislation were at an exciting high less than a decade ago. We saw successively the publication of a comprehensive set of legislative proposals by the President’s Committee on Civil Rights in October, 1947. President Truman’s ten-point civil rights program of February, 1948, and his election in November 1948 despite his break with the Dixiecrats over civil rights. Yet neither then nor since has any significant civil rights law been enacted. The Congress elected in 1948 turned back a vigorous drive for a fair employment law. Since then, no civil rights bill has come to the floor of either House for a vote.
The plain fact is that Federal civil rights bills have no chance under the present political lineup and existing congressional procedures. The Democratic Party is hopelessly split between militant supporters and militant opponents of equality. The Republican Party, for the most part, is indifferent to civil rights and some of its influential leaders oppose specific civil rights measures because they oppose government regulation generally. When we add to this the fact that it takes 64 Senators to break a filibuster, it becomes clear that efforts to get new civil rights laws serve little more than an educational function.
The fact has prompted the organized civil rights forces to look about for other legislative approaches. By far the most promising of these is offering amendments to pending measures that enjoy substantial support. This procedure has long been accepted in Congress and is entirely appropriate when the amendment is relevant. There is no real question as to the relevance of statutory clauses that prohibit segregation in school, housing and other projects that receive Federal aid.
This tactic was used when the bill for Federal aid for public school construction was debated in the closing days of the 1956 Congressional session. The anti-segregation amendment offered by Representative Powell was approved by the House of Representatives largely because of the support of Republicans who voted for it in order to defeat the school construction proposal itself. Thereafter, with this group voting against the bill, it was defeated.
While few gains have been made in Congress, the judicial branch of the government has been the scene of significant progress. A large-scale campaign of litigation by the NAACP has resulted in a series of important decision by the United States Supreme Court. Attorneys General representing both Democratic and Republican administrations have filed briefs with the Court stating flatly that state-imposed segregations is necessarily unconstitutional.
The Supreme Court decision of May 1954 condemning segregation in public schools radically changed the nature of the civil rights struggle. Now that the opposition has been deprived of the defense of judicially approved segregation laws, it has become violent and openly defiant of legal process. Unfortunately, some liberals have allowed themselves to be frightened by that defiance.
The third branch of the government, the Executive, has followed a course midway between that of the other two. Under both Democrats and Republicans, it has made some significant gains, most important being the end of segregation in the armed Forces. Following the 1954 public school decision, the Eisenhower Administration moved effectively to end segregation in the schools in the District of Columbia. But it has refrained from any action that would curb the excesses of the segregationists in those state of the Deep South that have altogether rejected the Supreme Court ruling.
There are three elements to watch in the coming campaign maneuvering on civil rights. First, what will the parties and candidates say about civil rights legislation? This is the standard topic of platform planks and speeches: FEPC, lynching, the right to vote and so forth. However, what is said on these subjects will have only a symbolic importance; the Congressional stalemate makes it unlikely that any plank or pledge will bring civil rights legislation nearer to enactment.
Second, there is the Powell Amendment. Neither party is likely to go out on a limb on this. The issue is too complex and there is no way of knowing whether any statement on that subject will attract votes.
Third, there is the Supreme Court decision. This is the issue that will provide the real test for parties and candidates. Of course, neither party will condemn the decision; the fight will lie between those who would write a call for prompt implementation of the decision and those who wish to achieve “unity” by ignoring it altogether.
There is no doubt that segregation will be ended if the Supreme Court’s decision is carried out. Hence the Dixiecrats seek to nullify the decision. Their campaign is aimed at the neutrals in the civil rights battle, who are at present on the side of enforcement because of their normal attachment to the cause of law and order. They can be swung to the other side if they are persuaded that enforcement will be more unpleasant than closing their eyes to violations.
After the Civil War and the Reconstruction Period, the North was persuaded to abandon the equalitarian principles embodied in the postwar amendments to the Constitution. The coming presidential campaign will reveal whether we are threatened by a repetition of that disaster.
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Women’s League
Southwestern Jewish Press, September 7, 1956, Page 18
The first meeting of the year for the Women’s League of the Jewish Community Center will be held on Wednesday, October 3rd, time and place to be announced in the next issue of the Jewish Press.
Mrs. Leroy Cohn, membership Vice-President, is in charge of this first meeting and anyone desirous of joining and working for the Women’s League this year should contact Mrs. Cohn at JUniper 2-1828.
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Obituary
Southwestern Jewish Press, September 7, 1956, Page 18
Sadie Rothberger, 47 years of age, passed away August 21, at Hemet, California. She resided in San Diego for 35 years and was a member of the Bay City Women’s B’nai B’rith.
Mr. Rothberger is survived by her father, Jacob Rothberger, of Tucson, Arzona.
Funeral services were held at the Lewis Colonial Mortuary on Wednesday, August 22 at 1:00 p.m. with Rabbi Monroe Levens officiating, and entombment in Sholom Mausoleum.
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Adventures in San Diego Jewish History” is sponsored by Inland Industries Group LP in memory of long-time San Diego Jewish community leader Marie (Mrs. Gabriel) Berg. Our “Adventures in San Diego Jewish History” series will be a regular feature until we run out of history. To find stories on specific individuals or organizations, type their names in our search box, located just above the masthead on the right hand side of the screen.